路德演讲稿(4篇范文)

第1篇 马丁·路德·金英语演讲稿：我已达至峰顶

i've been to the mountaintop

thank you very kindly, my friends. as i listened to ralph abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, i wondered who he was talking about. it's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. and ralph abernathy is the best friend that i have in the world. i'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. you reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.

something is happening in memphis; something is happening in our world. and you know, if i were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the almighty said to me, "martin luther king, which age would you like to live in?" i would take my mental flight by egypt and i would watch god's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of egypt through, or rather across the red sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. and in spite of its magnificence, i wouldn't stop there.

i would move on by greece and take my mind to mount olympus. and i would see plato, aristotle, socrates, euripides and aristophanes assembled around the parthenon. and i would watch them around the parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. but i wouldn't stop there.

i would go on, even to the great heyday of the roman empire. and i would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. but i wouldn't stop there.

i would even come up to the day of the renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. but i wouldn't stop there.

i would even go by the way that the man for whom i am named had his habitat. and i would watch martin luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of wittenberg. but i wouldn't stop there.

i would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating president by the name of abraham lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the emancipation proclamation. but i wouldn't stop there.

i would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. and come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." but i wouldn't stop there.

strangely enough, i would turn to the almighty, and say, "if you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, i will be happy."

now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. the nation is sick. trouble is in the land; confusion all around. that's a strange statement. but i know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. and i see god working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.

something is happening in our world. the masses of people are rising up. and wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in johannesburg, south africa; nairobi, kenya; accra, ghana; new york city; atlanta, georgia; jackson, mississippi; or memphis, tennessee -- the cry is always the same: "we want to be free."

and another reason that i'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. survival demands that we grapple with them. men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. but now, no longer can they just talk about it. it is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. that is where we are today.

and also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. now, i'm just happy that god has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. and i'm happy that he's allowed me to be in memphis.

i can remember -- i can remember when negroes were just going around as ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. but that day is all over. we mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in god's world.

and that's all this whole thing is about. we aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. we are saying that we are determined to be men. we are determined to be people. we are saying -- we are saying that we are god's children. and that we are god's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.

now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? it means that we've got to stay together. we've got to stay together and maintain unity. you know, whenever pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. what was that? he kept the slaves fighting among themselves. but whenever the slaves get together, something happens in pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. when the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. now let us maintain unity.

secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. the issue is injustice. the issue is the refusal of memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. now, we've got to keep attention on that. that's always the problem with a little violence. you know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. i read the articles. they very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that memphis is not being fair to them, and that mayor loeb is in dire need of a doctor. they didn't get around to that.

now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of god's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. that's the issue. and we've got to say to the nation: we know how it's coming out. for when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.

we aren't going to let any mace stop us. we are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. i've seen them so often. i remember in birmingham, alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th street baptist church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. and bull connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."

bull connor next would say, "turn the fire hoses on." and as i said to you the other night, bull connor didn't know history. he knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. and that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. and we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. if we were baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. if we were methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. that couldn't stop us.

and we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing "over my head i see freedom in the air." and then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. and they would throw us in, and old bull would say, "take 'em off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "we shall overcome." and every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. and there was a power there which bull connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in birmingham. now we've got to go on in memphis just like that. i call upon you to be with us when we go out monday.

now about injunctions: we have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. all we say to america is, "be true to what you said on paper." if i lived in china or even russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe i could understand some of these illegal injunctions. maybe i could understand the denial of certain basic first amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. but somewhere i read of the freedom of assembly. somewhere i read of the freedom of speech. somewhere i read of the freedom of press. somewhere i read that the greatness of america is the right to protest for right. and so just as i say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. we are going on.

we need all of you. and you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the gospel. it's a marvelous picture. who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. and whenever injustice is around he tell it. somehow the preacher must be an amos, and saith, "when god speaks who can but prophesy?" again with amos, "let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." somehow the preacher must say with jesus, "the spirit of the lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me," and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."

and i want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: james lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of vanderbilt university for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. reverend ralph jackson, billy kiles; i could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. but i want to thank all of them. and i want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. and i'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.

it's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. but ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! it's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but god has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. it's all right to talk about the new jerusalem, but one day, god's preacher must talk about the new new york, the new atlanta, the new philadelphia, the new los angeles, the new memphis, tennessee. this is what we have to do.

now the other thing we'll have to do is this: always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. now, we are poor people. individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in america. we are poor. never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. did you ever think about that? after you leave the united states, soviet russia, great britain, west germany, france, and i could name the others, the american negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. we have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the united states, and more than the national budget of canada. did you know that? that's power right there, if we know how to pool it.

we don't have to argue with anybody. we don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. we don't need any bricks and bottles. we don't need any molotov cocktails. we just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "god sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. and we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where god's children are concerned. now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. and our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."

and so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy coca-cola in memphis. go by and tell them not to buy sealtest milk. tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- wonder bread. and what is the other bread company, jesse? tell them not to buy hart's bread. as jesse jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. we are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. and then they can move on town -- downtown and tell mayor loeb to do what is right.

but not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. i call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in tri-state bank. we want a "bank-in" movement in memphis. go by the savings and loan association. i'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at sclc. judge hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the southern christian leadership conference. we are telling you to follow what we are doing. put your money there. you have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of memphis. take out your insurance there. we want to have an "insurance-in."

now these are some practical things that we can do. we begin the process of building a greater economic base. and at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. i ask you to follow through here.

now, let me say as i move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in memphis. we've got to see it through. and when we have our march, you need to be there. if it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. be concerned about your brother. you may not be on strike. but either we go up together, or we go down together.

let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. one day a man came to jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. at points he wanted to trick jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than jesus knew and throw him off base....

now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. but jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between jerusalem and jericho. and he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. you remember that a levite and a priest passed by on the other side. they didn't stop to help him. and finally a man of another race came by. he got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. but he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "i" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother.

now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the levite didn't stop. at times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. at other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "one who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." and every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to jerusalem -- or down to jericho, rather to organize a "jericho road improvement association." that's a possibility. maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.

but i'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. it's possible that those men were afraid. you see, the jericho road is a dangerous road. i remember when mrs. king and i were first in jerusalem. we rented a car and drove from jerusalem down to jericho. and as soon as we got on that road, i said to my wife, "i can see why jesus used this as the setting for his parable." it's a winding, meandering road. it's really conducive for ambushing. you start out in jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. and by the time you get down to jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. that's a dangerous road. in the days of jesus it came to be known as the "bloody pass." and you know, it's possible that the priest and the levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. and he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. and so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the levite asked was, "if i stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" but then the good samaritan came by. and he reversed the question: "if i do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?"

that's the question before you tonight. not, "if i stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. not, "if i stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that i usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" the question is not, "if i stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" the question is, "if i do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" that's the question.

let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. let us stand with a greater determination. and let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make america what it ought to be. we have an opportunity to make america a better nation. and i want to thank god, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.

you know, several years ago, i was in new york city autographing the first book that i had written. and while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. the only question i heard from her was, "are you martin luther king?" and i was looking down writing, and i said, "yes." and the next minute i felt something beating on my chest. before i knew it i had been stabbed by this demented woman. i was rushed to harlem hospital. it was a dark saturday afternoon. and that blade had gone through, and the x-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. and once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.

it came out in the new york times the next morning, that if i had merely sneezed, i would have died. well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. they allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. i read a few, but one of them i will never forget. i had received one from the president and the vice-president. i've forgotten what those telegrams said. i'd received a visit and a letter from the governor of new york, but i've forgotten what that letter said. but there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the white plains high school. and i looked at that letter, and i'll never forget it. it said simply,

dear dr. king,

i am a ninth-grade student at the white plains high school."

and she said,

while it should not matter, i would like to mention that i'm a white girl. i read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. and i read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. and i'm simply writing you to say that i'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.

and i want to say tonight -- i want to say tonight that i too am happy that i didn't sneeze. because if i had sneezed, i wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the south started sitting-in at lunch counters. and i knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the american dream, and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in the declaration of independence and the constitution.

if i had sneezed, i wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.

if i had sneezed, i wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when negroes in albany, georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. and whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.

if i had sneezed -- if i had sneezed i wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of birmingham, alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the civil rights bill.

if i had sneezed, i wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in august, to try to tell america about a dream that i had had.

if i had sneezed, i wouldn't have been down in selma, alabama, to see the great movement there.

if i had sneezed, i wouldn't have been in memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.

i'm so happy that i didn't sneeze.

and they were telling me --. now, it doesn't matter, now. it really doesn't matter what happens now. i left atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. the pilot said over the public address system, "we are sorry for the delay, but we have dr. martin luther king on the plane. and to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. and we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."

and then i got into memphis. and some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. what would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?

well, i don't know what will happen now. we've got some difficult days ahead. but it really doesn't matter with me now, because i've been to the mountaintop.

and i don't mind.

like anybody, i would like to live a long life. longevity has its place. but i'm not concerned about that now. i just want to do god's will. and he's allowed me to go up to the mountain. and i've looked over. and i've seen the promised land. i may not get there with you. but i want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!

mlkmountaintop3.jpg

and so i'm happy, tonight.

i'm not worried about anything.

i'm not fearing any man!

mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the lord!!

马丁·路德·金演讲稿：我已达至峰顶(中文翻译)

但是我要告诉你们我的想象力给我的启示。很可能其实是这些人都觉得害怕，你看，耶利哥之路是一条危险的路途。我还记得我和我的妻子第一次到耶路撒冷的情形。我们租了一辆车然后从耶路撒冷开往耶利哥，但我们上路之后，我就跟我妻子说道:“我现在明白为什么耶稣要拿这条路来作比喻了。”这是一条蜿蜒曲折的道路，非常有利于埋伏，你从耶路撒冷出发，这大约是1200英里，也即海平面以上1200英尺。而当15或者20分钟之后，你到达耶利哥时，你却在海平面以下2200英尺。那真是一条危险的路途啊!在耶稣的时代，它就以“血腥之途(bloody pass)”而为人所知。而且你知道，可能那个利未人和那个教士检查了地上的那个人，而怀疑那些盗贼是否仍在附近，抑或是他们认为这个人仅仅是在伪装，他只是装作被抢劫了被打伤了，目的是为了抓住他们，引诱他们从而快速而简单的捉住他们。所以那个利未人的第一个问题是：如果我停下来帮助这个人的话，有什么事会发生在我身上?但是接着那个好心的撒玛利亚人(samaritan)过来了，他颠倒着这个问题：如果我不停下来帮助这个人的话他会怎么样?这就是今晚摆在我们面前的问题，不是“如果我停下来帮助这些环卫工人的话，我的工作会有什么影响?”不是“如果我停下来帮助这些环卫工人的话，那些我作为一个牧师花在办公室里的一天接一天，一个礼拜接一个礼拜的时间会怎么样?”问题不是：“如果我帮助了这个需要帮助的人，我会怎么样?”问题是：“如果我不帮助这些环卫工人的话，他会怎么样?”这才是我们的问题。

今晚让我们以更高的积极性起来反抗吧!让我们以更大的决心站起来!让我们在这伟大的时代继续前行，在这有机会使美国成为真正的美国的时代!我们有这样一个机会使美国成为一个更好的国家!同时，我要再一次感谢仁慈的主，让我能和你们在一起前行!

你们应该知道，几年前，那时我在纽约，为我的第一本书签名，当我坐在那里签名的时候，一个精神有问题的黑人妇女过来了，我听到他问的唯一一个问题就是：“你是马丁路德金吗?”但是我正埋头签名，我回答道：“是啊。”接着下一秒我就感觉到我的胸部被什么东西刺中了，在我意识到的时候我已经被这个精神有问题的妇女刺中了。我即刻被送到了harlem医院，这是一个黑沉沉的礼拜六的下午。那柄刀穿透了我的胸部，通过x光片可以看到刀刃正好从主动脉的边缘穿过，一旦主动脉被刺穿，你就会被你的血所淹没，也就是你的生命将终结。第二天早上纽约时报上登出来了，如果我打了喷嚏的话，我就会死掉。四天之后，在手术之后，在我的胸口被打开刀刃被取出来之后，他们允许我坐在轮椅上在医院里四处走走，他们允许我看一些从美国乃至世界各地邮寄来的信件，善意的来信。我看了一些，但是只有一封我永远都不会忘记。我收到了一封总统先生和副总统先生的来信，但我已经忘了信上说了什么了。我还接受了纽约市长的访问以及他的一封信，我也几经忘了这封信上说的什么了。但是有一封信，来自一个小姑娘，她在白原高校(white plains high school)念书，我看了那封信，我终生难忘。信很简单：“亲爱的金博士：我是一个在白原高校廿九年级的学生，”她说，“这虽然没有什么关系，但我还是要说出来，我是个白人女孩，我在报纸上看到你的不幸，你的遭遇。并且我读到如果你打了喷嚏的话，就会死掉，而我写这封信给你其实只是想告诉你，我真的很高兴你没有打喷嚏。”

今晚我想说，今晚，我想说，我也很高兴我没有打喷嚏，因为如果那个时候我打了喷嚏的话，1960年我就不会出现在这里，当时整个南部的(黑人)学生开始了在午餐台边坐着吃饭，而我知道当他们可以坐着吃饭的时候，他们正真正抬起头来实现着美国梦中最美妙的精神。他们带着整个国家回归到伟大的民主的源泉，这源泉由建国者们在《独立宣言》和《宪法》中深深挖掘。那个时候我打了喷嚏的话，1961年，我不会出现在这里，那时我们决定搭上自由之车，终止在州与州之间旅行时存在的隔离。如果那个时候我打了喷嚏的话，1962年我不会出现在这里，当时，在佐治亚的奥尔巴尼，人们决定挺直他们的腰杆，而一旦人们挺直了腰板，他们才会有所建树，因为人不能扛着背前行，除非他的背断掉了。如果那个时候我打了喷嚏的话，1963年我不会出现在这里，那时，阿拉巴马伯明翰的黑人们唤起了这个国家的良知，使民权法案获得了通过。如果那个时候我打了喷嚏的话，1964年我不会有机会告诉美国我一直以来的一个梦想。如果那个时候我打了喷嚏的话，我不会在阿拉巴马塞尔玛目睹一场伟大的运动。如果那个时候我打了喷嚏的话，我不会在孟菲斯看到一个团结了那么多饱受苦难的兄弟姐妹的社团。我真的很高兴我没有打喷嚏。

而他们告诉我---现在，没有。

第2篇 马丁路德金演讲稿

马丁·路德·金(公元1929—1968年)，美国黑人律师，著名黑人民权运动领袖。一生曾三次被捕，三次被行刺，1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年被种族主义分子枪杀。他被誉为近百年来八大最具有说服力的演说家之一。1963年他领导25万人向华盛顿进军“大游行”，为黑人争取自由平等和就业。马丁·路德·金在游行集会上发表了这篇著名演说。

1xx年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

然而，1xx年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。1xx年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。1xx年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。1xx年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。

因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。

如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。

我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

我有一个梦想演讲稿马丁路德金

我有一个梦想

一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在*察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的;人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由;因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山冈。”

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起!让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来!让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由之声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来!让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。

当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太人和非犹太人，新教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦!”

i have a dream

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolicshadow we stand today, signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentousdecree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who hadbeen seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreakto end the long night of bad captivity.

but one hundred years later, the negro still is not free.one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by themanacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred yearslater, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vastocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is stilllanguished in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in hisown land. so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

i am not unmindful that some of you have come here out ofgreat trials and tribulations. some of you have come fresh from narrow jailcells. some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left youbattered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of policebrutality. you have been the veterans of creative suffering. continue to workwith the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

go back to mississippi, go back to alabama, go back to southcarolina, go back to georgia, go back to louisiana, go back to the slums andghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can andwill be changed. let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

i say to you today, my friends, so even though we face thedifficulties of today and tomorrow, i still have a dream. it is a dream deeplyrooted in the american dream.

i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, liveup to the true meaning of its creed: “we hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equal.”

i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia thesons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sitdown together at the table of brotherhood.

i have a dream that one day even the state of mississippi, astate sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression,will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

i have a dream that my four children will one day live in anation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by thecontent of their character.

i have a dream today.

i have a dream that one day down in alabama with itsgovernor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition andnullification, one day right down in alabama little black boys and black girlswill be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sistersand brothers.

i have a dream today.

i have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted,every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain,and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the lord shallbe revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

this is our hope. this is the faith that i go back to thesouth with. with this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain ofdespair a stone of hope. with this faith we will be able to transform thejangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. withthis faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggletogether, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowingthat we will be free one day.

this will be the day when all of god’s children will be ableto sing with new meaning.

my country, ’ tis of thee,

sweet land of liberty,

of thee i sing:

land where my fathers died,

land of the pilgrims’ pride,

from every mountainside

let freedom ring.

and if america is to be a great nation this must becometrue. so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of new hampshire.

let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of new york!

let freedom ring from the heightening alleghenies ofpennsylvania!

let freedom ring from the snowcapped rockies of colorado!

let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of california!

but not only that; let freedom ring from stone mountain ofgeorgia!

let freedom ring from lookout mountain of tennessee!

let freedom ring from every hill and molehill ofmississippi!

from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

when we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from everyvillage and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able tospeed up that day when all of god’s children, black men and white men, jews andgentiles, protestants and catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in thewords of the old negro spiritual, “free at last! free at last! thank godalmighty, we are free at last!”

i have a dream 马丁路德金的演讲稿 （中英文）

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.

but one hundred years later, the negro still is not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languished in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in his own land. so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

i am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. you have been the veterans of creative suffering. continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

go back to mississippi, go back to alabama, go back to south carolina, go back to georgia, go back to louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

i say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, i still have a dream. it is a dream deeply rooted in the american dream.

i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “we hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

i have a dream that one day even the state of mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

i have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.

i have a dream today.

i have a dream that one day down in alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

i have a dream today.

i have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

this is our hope. this is the faith that i go back to the south with. with this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. with this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. with this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

this will be the day when all of god’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.

my country, ’ tis of thee,

sweet land of liberty,

of thee i sing:

land where my fathers died,

land of the pilgrims’ pride,

from every mountainside

let freedom ring.

and if america is to be a great nation this must become true. so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of new hampshire.

let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of new york!

let freedom ring from the heightening alleghenies of pennsylvania!

let freedom ring from the snowcapped rockies of colorado!

let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of california!

but not only that; let freedom ring from stone mountain of georgia!

let freedom ring from lookout mountain of tennessee!

let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of mississippi!

from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

when we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of god’s children, black men and white men, jews and gentiles, protestants and catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, “free at last! free at last! thank god almighty, we are free at last!”

我有一个梦想

一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在*察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的；人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由；因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山冈。”

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来！让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来！让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起！让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来！让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来！不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来！让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来！让自由之声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来！让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。

当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太人和非犹太人，新教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦！终于自由啦！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

第3篇 马丁.路德.金被刺杀当晚罗伯特.肯尼迪英语演讲稿

assassination of martin luther king, jr.

ladies and gentlemen: i'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because i have some very sad news for all of you -- could you lower those signs, please? -- i have some very sad news for all of you, and, i think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that martin luther king was shot and was killed tonight in memphis, tennessee.

martin luther king dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. he died in the cause of that effort. in this difficult day, in this difficult time for the united states, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. for those of you who are black -- considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible -- you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.

we can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization -- black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another. or we can make an effort, as martin luther king did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.

for those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, i would only say that i can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. i had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.

but we have to make an effort in the united states, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.

my favorite poem, my favorite poet was aeschylus. and he once wrote:

"even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget

falls drop by drop upon the heart,

until, in our own despair,

against our will,

comes wisdom

through the awful grace of god."

what we need in the united states is not division; what we need in the united states is not hatred; what we need in the united states is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.

so i ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of martin luther king -- yeah, it's true -- but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love -- a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which i spoke.

we can do well in this country. we will have difficult times. we've had difficult times in the past. and we will have difficult times in the future. it is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and it's not the end of disorder.

but the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.

let us dedicate ourselves to what the greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.

thank you very much.

第4篇 马丁·路德金我有一个梦想英文演讲稿

i am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

1xx年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

but one hundred years later, the negro still is not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languished in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in his own land. and so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

然而，1xx年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。1xx年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。1xx年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。1xx年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

in a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable rights" of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. and so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。

we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. now is the time to make justice a reality for all of god's children.

因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. and those who hope that the negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. and there will be neither rest nor tranquility in america until the negro is granted his citizenship rights. the whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

but there is something that i must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: in the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.

但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。

we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. and they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

we cannot walk alone. and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "when will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as the negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的*察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。

i am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. and some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. you have been the veterans of creative suffering. continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. go back to mississippi, go back to alabama, go back to south carolina, go back to georgia, go back to louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和*察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。

let us not wallow in the valley of despair, i say to you today, my friends. and so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, i still have a dream. it is a dream deeply rooted in the american dream.

朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。

i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。

i have a dream that one day even the state of mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. i have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

i have a dream today!

i have a dream that one day, down in alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

i have a dream today!

i have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。

this is our hope, and this is the faith that i go back to the south with. with this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. with this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. with this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。

and this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of god's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：

my country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee i sing.

land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride,

from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

and if america is to be a great nation, this must become true.

我的祖国， 可爱的自由之邦， 我为您歌唱。 这是我祖先终老的地方， 这是早期移民自豪的地方， 让自由之声， 响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰!

and so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of new hampshire.

let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of new york.

let freedom ring from the heightening alleghenies of pennsylvania.

let freedom ring from the snow-capped rockies of colorado.

let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of california.

but not only that:

let freedom ring from stone mountain of georgia.

let freedom ring from lookout mountain of tennessee.

let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of mississippi.

让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭!

让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰!

让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山!

让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰!

不，不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山!

让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山!

让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘!

让自由之声响彻每一个山岗!

from every mountainside, let freedom ring. and when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of god's children, black men and white men, jews and gentiles, protestants and catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual: free at last! free at last!

当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了!”